The late US second-in-command Dick Cheney, who died at age 84, was regarded as among the most significant incumbents of that office in American history. Whereas numerous second-in-commands were confined to peripheral or ceremonial functions, Cheney wielded huge sway during the presidency of George W Bush, to the point that he was commonly called as the "real president".
Bush objected to such a characterisation and claimed the connection was more complex. He observed that Cheney was respectful, consistently addressing him in official appearances as the President, while he addressed him as Dick. Bush disputed even descriptions of their association as a team because it implied that they were peers. Regardless of such protestations, Cheney viewed the laidback president malleable on a wide array of administrative determinations.
The Period Following the Attacks
Leading of a group of neo-conservatives that included military head Donald Rumsfeld and deputy defence secretary Paul Wolfowitz, he vigorously promoted the military intervention of Iraq in 2003 in reaction to the terrorist strikes on New York and Washington. At the time of the 9/11 strike, Bush had been participating in a meeting at a elementary school in Florida. Whereas Bush headed for a secure location in Nebraska, Cheney took command, directing the destruction of any unidentified planes nearing the US Capitol.
Cheney said the assaults transformed him, leading him to become intent on retribution. Along with other neo-cons, like Rumsfeld and Wolfowitz, he lobbied for a takeover of Afghanistan in an attempt to apprehend Osama bin Laden. Cheney then strongly advocated for the military action of Iraq, although there was no evidence of Saddam Hussein playing a role.
Disputed Decisions
He expressed no regrets about the military campaign, in which an approximated 100,000 Iraqis perished, nor about the harsh treatment of suspects apprehended after 9/11. He stated to CNN in 2015 that the Iraq military action, which was founded on inaccurate reports circulated by Cheney, was the proper course of action. "It was the correct action to do at that time. I was convinced then and I believe it now."
But even at the time, there were dissenting voices at a senior level about the botched execution of Iraq. One of the administration's own representatives to the area, General Anthony Zinni (2001-03), was dismissed from the role. "I saw, at a minimum," he subsequently stated "clear negligence, negligence, and unaccountability: in the worst case, falsehoods, unfitness, and graft."
Broader Context
Cheney was not completely responsible for the Iraq military action. Before 9/11, Wolfowitz had pushed for such action. He had drafted a memorandum setting out situations in which national priorities might be threatened (featuring "obtaining crucial commodities, mostly Persian Gulf oil"). Wolfowitz had argued that "America should be positioned to operate alone when joint efforts cannot be arranged," explicitly citing armed actions against Iraq.
Bush additionally had assumed the White House vaguely intent on implementing what his parent had notably declined to do in 1991; topple Saddam. Following he had been fired by the administration, the treasury secretary Paul O'Neill revealed how, at the opening session of the National Security Council in January 2001, Bush had stated his objective of reducing America's involvement in the Israeli-Palestinian conflict and mooted military action against Iraq.
Bush carried a individual resentment against Saddam, thinking he had been involved in a scheme to assassinate his parent, President George HW Bush, on a journey to Kuwait in 1993. He additionally resented that one of the most prominent accommodations in Baghdad had a floor mural with a image of his predecessor's countenance that everyone had to step on.
Investigation Approaches
But it was Cheney who was part of the most outspoken advocating attacking Iraq, repeatedly citing information documents that were whether insubstantial or totally deceptive. He supported what the Bush administration indirectly described as "advanced techniques", the application of waterboarding and harsh treatment.
Addressing a Senate analysis in 2014 that found that no actionable intelligence had come from the harsh techniques, Cheney rejected the findings as "full of crap". He told Fox News: "We requested [the CIA] to take steps and create programmes to catch the bastards who killed 3,000 of us on 9/11 and make sure it would not recur. That was specifically what they did and they merit a lot of recognition."
External Perception
Cheney took pleasure in monikers assigned to him by opponents such as the dark character and the dark figure, and by the notion that he was a sinister influence controlling Bush. In the author's 2013 publication about the two, Days of Fire: Bush and Cheney in the White House, Cheney is cited as commenting: "Am I the sinister strategist in the corner that remains unseen leave his domain? It's a advantageous way to function, actually."
Corporate Connections
Debate over his commercial relationships accompanied him during his tenure as vice-president. While he had minimal expertise in corporate affairs but strong connections in military, notably in Saudi Arabia, he was offered a position at Halliburton, one of the world's most substantial petroleum companies, in 1995 as chair and top executive.
In 2000 he became Bush's VP candidate for the White House. Debatably, during the military campaign, Halliburton was granted US agreements worth multiple billions.
It significantly boosted his finances. His annual income during his period at the company rose from his quarter-million dollars when he was defence secretary to millions. When he resigned in 2000 he had a severance arrangement totaling over $20m|twenty
